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Reflections

“How shall freedom be defended? By arms when it is attacked by arms, by truth when it is attacked by lies, by faith when it is attacked by authoritarian dogma. Always, in the final act, by determination and faith.”

― Archibald MacLeish

Tuesday, January 5, 2016

Leni Robredo: May the BEST Woman Win The Philippine VP Race in 2016!

Why not the BEST for 2016?
The Philippine Constitution limits the formal powers and role of vice president to becoming president, should the president become unable to serve, prompting the well-known expression "only a heartbeat away from the presidency".
If her campaign is properly handled, Camarines Sur Representative Leni Robredo could be a “runaway” winner in the vice presidential election next year, Senator Sergio “Serge” Osmeña III said. 
"Ma, Follow Your Heart" Jesse"
Hindi po ako si Jesse. Ngunit noong namatay po siya, maliwanag po sa aming mag-iina na siya ay umaasa, na sa abot ng aming makakaya, susubukan din naming magsakripisyo, gaya ng kanyang pagsasakripisyo, para makapag  ambag para sa ating bayan. Yung nakalipas na mahigit na dalawang taon po ang saksi na aking nasuklian naman ang aking kakulangan sa paghahanda ng matapat na panunungkulan. Sa aking paninilbihan bilang Kinatawan, ipinaglaban ko po ang karapatan ng mga naka tsinelas –‘yong nasa ibaba, nasa labas, at nasa laylayan ng ating lipunan. Isinulong natin ang mga panukalang batas na nagbibigay ng puwang para pakinggan ang boses ng karaniwang Pilipino at bigyan sila ng pagkakataong makilahok sa pamumuno. Gumawa din po tayo ng mga panukalang batas na magsusulong ng mga sistema kung saan sinisiguro na ang ating mga pinuno ay hindi maliligaw ng landas o mabubulag ng kapangyarihan. Tapat, malinis at bukas na pamamahala ang buod ng ating mga isinusulong, dahil sa paniniwala na sa ganitong paraan lamang tayo tunay na makakapagsilbi at sa ganitong paraan lamang natin  masisiguro na mabigyan ng halaga ang lahat ng umaasa sa atin." Leni Robredo
"Noong buhay pa po si Jesse, matagal na panahon niyang katuwang si Sec Mar Roxas sa maraming pagsubok na hinarap sa pagsulong ng daang matuwid. Magkasabay po silang nangarap ng maganda para sa bayan. Malinaw po sa akin na si Sec Mar Roxas ang magpapatuloy sa daang matuwid na sinumulan ng administratsyon ng ating mahal na Pangulo. 
Ang daang matuwid po ang magsisiguro na hinding hindi makakalimutan ang mga taong madalas napag-iiwanan. Hindi po kumpleto ang trabaho ng daang matuwid hanggat may napag-iiwanan sa laylayan. Malinaw po na ang daan patungo sa kaunlaran ay ang daang nagtataguyod ng maayos na buhay para sa lahat.
Sa lahat po nang nagpahayag ng suporta, pangamba, pagkatakot, pati na pakikiramay at sa lahat na nag alay ng dasal, mula sa ating mga tinitingala at lalong-lalo na sa karaniwan nating mga kababayan, taos puso po akong nagpapasalamat sa lahat sa inyo. Kayo po ngayon ang pinaghuhugutan ko ng lakas." Leni Robredo
Compare Leni versus the "Macho Senators"
Senator Serge Osmeña said,
" Leni Robredo is 'best candidate' for VP!"
Inquirer Editorial:
Grace Poe: Why would she pick a man whose track record appears, on many points, at odds with the image and advocacies she has cultivated, and which led to the steep rise in public esteem that arguably has given her the impetus to consider gunning for the presidency?
Poe contrasts herself from her putative rivals by touting her unsullied record. Vice President Jejomar Binay is compromised by a raft of corruption charges. Mar Roxas, the Liberal Party’s standard-bearer, is weighed down by the many blunders of the Aquino administration, from the outlawed Disbursement Acceleration Program to the Mamasapano tragedy and the daily traffic hell. Poe’s sensible stand on many raging issues has earned her plaudits from the public; that stand, along with her clean persona and intimate connections with show biz royalty, and despite her glaring lapse vis-à-vis the controversy involving the Iglesia ni Cristo, has made her a viable “presidentiable” to many.
But Escudero? He stood by Joseph Estrada throughout the revelations of the latter’s corruption and perfidy as president. True, he railed against the venality of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, but his selective campaign proves that when it comes to basic good governance, he can overlook the monumental faults of a patron and ally and take up the anticorruption mantle only when it’s convenient to do so.
Inquirer Editorial
Bongbong Marcos was back defending the rampart. There was nothing wrong about martial law, he said on TV, and there is nothing to apologize for. “Will I say sorry for the thousands and thousands of kilometers [of roads] that were built? Will I say sorry for the agricultural policy that brought us to self-sufficiency in rice? Will I say sorry for the power generation? Will I say sorry for the highest literacy rate in Asia? What am I to say sorry about?”
It’s a catchy picture, but a false, incomplete one. Marcos’ agricultural policy? He simply parceled out the economy to his cronies; as the Chicago Tribune put it, “Eduardo Cojuangco became the ‘Coconut King,’ Antonio Floirendo the ‘Banana King,’ Herminio Disini the ‘Tobacco King,’ Jose Campos the ‘Pharmaceutical King,’ Roberto Benedicto the ‘Sugar King.’” For years, millions of farmers had to fork over hard-earned money for a so-called coconut levy fund that never went to their welfare, but instead became a P150-billion asset fought over by the likes of Cojuangco and Juan Ponce Enrile.
The land reform that was supposed to be the cornerstone of Marcos’ New Society? It was a sham. Out of some 10 million hectares of private land and 17 million hectares of public land available for disposal, only 50,000-70,000 hectares had been subjected to land reform by the time the Marcoses fled Malacañang in 1986.
Power generation? The monstrosity that is the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant—built of an outdated design with some 4,000 defects, on a known earthquake fault line, to the tune of $2.3 billion, about $80 million of which ended up as kickbacks to Marcos and his bagman Disini as documented in court records against its builder Westinghouse—is the ultimate indictment of Marcos’ energy policies.
The highest literacy rate in Asia? Sure—against a landscape where press freedom was absent, dissenting journalists were hauled off to jail or allegedly thrown overboard from helicopters, then Minister of Information Gregorio Cendaña had an iron hand clamped on TV and radio, and newspapers were the plaything of Marcos cronies.
And so on. We haven’t touched on the billions of dollars in Swiss accounts, or the thousands of “desaparecidos” and human rights victims. Do current history books reflect these facts? Apparently not, because Bongbong could also claim that one reason he’s getting giddy at the idea of running for president is that “young people who were not even alive at that time say that, ‘Buti pa noong panahong iyon, alam namin, may ganito at may ganyan.”’
Bongbong may find in that youthful gushing a quick high, but the ill-informed appraisal of what he believes is the golden era of his formative years says more about the tragic miseducation of the Filipino than about his father’s true record. Still, one hears what one wants to hear, so an apology is not in the offing from the Marcos son, because “history will judge [Marcos] properly, and we’ll leave it at that.”
But he has, in fact, been judged. Marcos is the only president in Philippine history who had to flee with his family in the dead of night to escape the wrath of his people—from whom he stole up to the end, by the way, with millions of gold, jewelry and cash brought along with them. There’s the judgment of history right there for you. Unfortunately for Bongbong, that ignominy cannot be erased with a cocky shrug.
Under the Cory Aquino government, Gringo Honasan was head of a special group in the defense ministry. Using his position, he was covertly involved in various coup attempts against Aquino.On August 28, 1987, fighting broke out in the streets and Honasan ordered his men to attack government installations, resulting in the deaths of dozens, including many civilians. The attack was put down by government forces, but Honasan was able to escape. He was later captured and imprisoned on a Navy ship on Manila Bay. He later escaped once again by convincing his guards to join his cause. From Wikipedia
THE MYTH OF GRINGO HONASAN
From PCIJ:
Viewed in the frame of Marcos's own mythology, he, the ancient warrior, had fallen to Gregorio 'Gringo' Honasan, the modern commando, in epic combat on EDSA. Seeking, like Marcos had once done, to replace democracy with martial rule, Honasan would use such mythology to reorient reality in ways that would allow him to suspend, even transcend, the legal foundations of legitimacy. While the Marcos aura drew upon folklore and nationalist history of the 1930s, Honasan's would use Filipino and foreign film, the metatexts of his own age.
Some coverage strained the limits of the English language for hyperbole. "Colonel 'Gringo' Honasan was the most publicized and popular 'plotter' of the three-day people's revolt which toppled the seemingly invincible Ferdinand Marcos, " read a feature in the popular weekly Mr. & Ms. Some copy crackled with a suffused sexuality. " 
This coverage was calculated. In constructing their "Gringo" collage, RAM's psy-war experts seemed to splice together fragments from cinematic images, indigenous and imported, that filled Manila's movie screens —the Filipino "action genre" of gunman-heroes who take up arm's against injustice; the early Clint Eastwood persona as cool Western killer of quiet moral authority; and Hollywood's Rambo rebel as high-tech death delivery system. destroyer of a corrupt regime, progenitor of a new social order.
But the Gringo image also carried embedded within it the seed of its own subversion: the issue of human rights. Sensitive to allegations about torture, RAM tried to preempt the issue in the months following Marcos flight. "We were aware of human rights violations, but we were not the ones committing them." Said Honasan in an unprompted denial in his interview for Mr. & Ms.: "We tried to influence the situation by developing close contact with other operating units. Some we were able to influence, but others …" Similarly, in an interview with Bryan Johnson in July 1986, Honasan projected threat while protecting his flank. Wrote Johnson: "Together they [RAM] had killed dozens of men, 'but honorably, professionally, on the field of battle, in line with a job description which requires us to both kill, and die, on command,' as the defiant Gringo Honasan later put it."